导读
今年一月，在特朗普就职的第二天，美国爆发了史无前例的女性大游行。然而，游行的热情过后，需要来点冷思考。特朗普政府将对美国女权运动产生怎样的影响？世界范围内的女权运动又将给予美国女性怎样的启示？请看世界女性峰会创始人蒂娜·布朗（Tina Brown）带来的观点。
Activists protested inWashington on March 8, International Women’s Day.
3月8日国际妇女节，华盛顿的女权运动者们Last week, wewere treated to a newsphoto that will live in infamy: two dozen white maleRepublican congressmen (andzero women) around a White House conference tabletalking about dumpingmaternity and newborn care as part of their replacementfor the Obama healthcare law.
上周，我们看到了一张必将遗臭万年的照片。照片中，二十几名白人男性共和党议员（注意：没有女性）围坐在白宫的会议桌前，讨论着如何废除“围产期及新生儿服务”（Maternityand newborn care）——这是奥巴马医改替代方案中的一部分。
Itinstantly went viral: “A rare look inside the GOP’s women’s healthcaucus,” tweeted SenatorPattyMurray, Democrat of Washington State.
这张照片立即被疯狂转发。华盛顿州民主党参议员帕蒂·默里（Patty Murray）发表推文说：“共和党大佬中难得一见的妇女健康核心小组。”Sevendayslater, the infamy was compounded when Vice President Mike Pence broke a50-50tie in the Senate that would allow states to defund Planned Parenthood.
七天后，妇女的权益进一步受到了侵害。副总统麦克·潘斯（Mike Pence）打破了参议院内50比50的僵局，允许各州停止向美国生育保健规划联盟（Planned Parenthood）提供资金。
Sincethe heydayof the women’s movement of the 1960s and ’70s, American women haveassumed theywere on a rocket to a future of assured gender equality. But evenas individualwomen continued to break records and barriers in recent years, theengine beganto stall.
上世纪60-70年代是女权运动的鼎盛时期。自此，美国女性一直坚信性别平等的时代必将马上到来。然而近年来，尽管女性中不断有人在打破记录和消除性别上的障碍方面有所突破，女权运动却开始停滞不前。
TheUnitedStates still ranks with Swaziland, Lesotho and Papua New Guinea as thelastcountries on earth, “advanced” or not, that don’t mandate paid maternityleave.
作为发达国家，美国却仍然是世界上最后几个未实行强制性带薪产假的国家之一。其他几个均为发展中国家，分别为斯威士兰、莱索托、巴布亚新几内亚。
Incorporations,it’s turned out that the trouble isn’t the glass ceiling; it’s thestickyfloor.
在公司中，女性遭遇的职业困境其实并不是“玻璃天花板”，而是职场“粘地板”（sticky floor）。
Malechiefexecutives of Fortune 500 companies brag at Davos, Switzerland, abouttheirhealthy pipeline of women headed for the C-suite. (But the boast isunderminedby statistics that show a paltry 4 percent of Fortune 500 companieshave womenin the top job.)
在达沃斯论坛上，世界500强公司的男性高管们曾宣称，他们的公司为女性进入高管层提供了良好顺畅的上升通道。（然而数据显示，仅4%的500强公司拥有女性高管。）
Anda woman whocommanded nearly three million more votes than her opponent did notbecomepresident.
而且，那位在普选中比对手多出将近300万张选票的女性候选人，最终却未能入主白宫。
Womenwho tooksteady, linear progress for granted are experiencing an unfamiliarandunsettling sensation — a wary, scary feeling of real and present danger.Meanwhile,it’s dawning on millennials who thought a tweet was the same as avote thatactivism means showing up. Hillary Clinton’s ultimate loss in theElectoralCollege is motivating women in a way her campaign never really did.
那些想当然地认为两性平等一定会以线性形式平稳发展的女性的心中充满着不安——这是一种她们未曾体会过的情绪，是面对真实存在的危险时的谨慎和惶恐。与此同时，那些曾经认为发个推特就是投了票的千禧一代，开始意识到真正的行动是需要走下网络，站到台前来的。希拉里·克林顿（HillaryClinton）在总统大选中的落败正在激励着女性作出改变，而这种激励是她的竞选运动所未能做到的。
Itwas ahopping-mad Pantsuit Nation granny in Hawaii who first planted the ideaonFacebook of a Women’s March on Day 2 of Donald J. Trump’s presidency. Insheernumbers of participants — up to four million in at least 500 marchesacross thecountry — it turned out to be the largest day of protest in Americanhistory.
第一个在脸书上发起号召，提出在三月二号即特朗普就职的第二天举行妇女大游行的，是一个来自夏威夷对选举结果怒不可遏的奶奶。她是支持希拉里的网络团体“全民裤装”（PantsuitNation）中的一员。全美各地共有400万人参与了此次游行，组成了至少500个游行队伍。仅从参与者数量来看，这是美国历史上最大的一次抗议游行。
Itwasgood-humored, confident and marked by determination, not anger, andutterlynonviolent: not a single arrest. In short, it was a triumph oforganization andmobilization.
这场游行以坚定和决心为标志，在愉快自信的氛围下举行，没有愤怒，没有暴力，没有人被捕。总而言之，就组织和动员工作来说，可谓是打了场大胜仗。
Inits wake,women are packing local forums offering information on how to run foroffice.Millennials are assertively organizing support groups and protests onbehalf ofimmigrants and refugees. The new energy has edge — and it suggeststhat theresistance to the young administration’s signature policies is going tobe ledand (as it were) manned largely by women.
随后，女性纷纷开始进入提供如何竞选公职信息的当地论坛。千禧一代开始坚定地为移民和难民发声，建立志愿团体，举行抗议行动。这股新生的力量自有其优势。这意味着：对于新政府具有明显歧视意味的政策的抗议活动，将在很大程度上由女性主导，并像先前一样，由女性实施。
Thegreatestgift that President Trump may end up bestowing on the women of Americacould beto purge trivial umbrage from feminist discourse and force renewedenergy onbig priorities.
特朗普最终给予美国女性的最大礼物可能是清除女性平权道路上那些微不足道的不满，将注意力重新回归到亟待解决的重大问题上来。
Therehas beentoo much focus on mildly offensive asides by male professors, onclueless comments by chief executives. Annoying as those things are, they don’tcompareto a federalbudget proposalthat slashes support for victims of domestic violence.’一直以来，女权主义者们往往过度关注男性专家们轻微冒犯性的言语和企业高管们没有任何依据可言的评论。确实，所有这些都令人恼火，但与削减家暴受害者的联邦援助预算这一提案比起来，这些根本不值一提。
Themarches inJanuary and the activism since have demonstrated the breadth ofwomen’sconcerns. They encompass criminal justice reform, immigrantprotection,L.G.B.T. rights and gross economic inequality, as well as equal payandreproductive rights.
一月份的妇女大游行和之后的行动展现了美国女性们所关心的问题的广度，包括刑事司法改革、移民保护、L.G.B.T.
人群权益、严重的经济不平等、收入平等和生育权问题。
TamikaMallory,one of the four energetic young women who headed the Women’s March, isaleading voice for African-American involvement in the feministresurgence.Exasperated over the years by white women’s lack of recognition ofthe deeperinequity in black women’s lives, she said that the January protestwas aneducation for her in working with others.
塔米卡·马洛里（TamikaMallory）是一月份妇女大游行中四位满怀热情的年轻女性领头人之一，也是为非裔美国人能够加入女权复兴运动而发声的重要代表。多年来，黑人女性遭受到的严重不公常常被白人女性所忽视，这一直令她感到十分恼火。她表示，一月份的大游行对她来说却是一次具有教育意义的经历，在如何与其他人共事方面深受启发。
“Mywork ismainly on criminal justice reform and police accountability, and I hadto, fora moment, focus on climate justice and social justice and economicjustice. Itwas a way for us to build power by bringing everyone together. Weall come fromdifferent experiences, but we all feel and bleed the same, whichis why thismovement is growing in the way it is.”“我的工作主要与刑事司法改革和警察问责制有关。有时候，我也不得不将重点放在气候正义、社会正义和经济正义上。通过将大家团结在一起，我们为女权运动积聚力量。我们有着不同的经历，但却拥有相同的感受，我们的身体里流淌着相同的血液，这也是本次运动得以向着如今的方向发展的原因。”Andit would bemore powerful still if the new buzzword of intersectional feminism —whichadvocates greater racial, economic and religious inclusiveness in thewomen’smovement — could intersect across the political and cultural aisle.
但是，如果交叉女权主义（intersectionalfeminism）的新理念能够深入政治和文化领域的话，这次行动就会释放出更大的威力。交叉女权主义在女权运动中倡导更大的种族、经济和宗教包容度。
Cuttingafter-schoolprograms for kids is calamitous to working mothers, but it isn’tjust a women’sissue. It’s a family issue and an education issue. DefundingPlanned Parenthoodmeans millions of hard-pressed women will be denied cancerscreenings as well asbirth control. “The average woman in America spends fiveyears trying to getpregnant and 30 years trying not to,” Cecile Richards,Planned Parenthood’spresident, told me wryly. “This is a bread-and-buttereconomic issue.”削减儿童“学后托管”计划（after-schoolprograms）对于职业女性来说，无疑是场灾难。但这不只是妇女所面临的问题，更关系到家庭和教育问题。取消对美国生育保健规划联盟的资金支持意味着几百万艰难度日的女性将被癌症筛查和节育措施拒之门外。
“美国女性平均需要花费5年时间才能怀孕，但之后却需要用30年的时间来避孕。” 美国生育保健规划联盟主席塞西尔·理查德（CecileRichards）苦笑地对我说。
“这是一个关乎生计的经济问题。”Eightyears ago,I started the Women in the World Summit at a small Midtown Manhattantheater togive voice to a rising global women’s movement that hadn’t gotten muchattentionin the United States.
八年前，我在曼哈顿市中心的一个小剧场里发起了世界妇女峰会（the Women inthe World Summit），为逐渐发展起来的世界女权运动发声。那个时候，世界范围的女权运动还未在美国获得较多的关注。
Iwas inspiredby the female firebrands I’d met through my service on the board ofVitalVoices, a Washington-based NGO that mentors emerging women leadersfromdeveloping countries. I was stunned by the courage of resourceful womenfromPakistan, Guatemala, India and sub-Saharan Africa.
我曾经在“生命之音”（Vital Voices）组织担任高管。这是一个致力于挖掘和引导发展中国家女性领袖的非政府组织，总部设立在华盛顿。在此期间遇到的一些女权运动者鼓舞了我。那些来自巴基斯坦、危地马拉、印度和撒哈拉以南非洲的聪慧女性有着过人的勇气，令我深受感动。
Theyhad riskedtheir lives in repressive cultures to act against child marriage,honorkillings, genital mutilation and systemic domestic violence, and toadvocatefor basic freedoms American women (and men, of course) take forgranted, suchas the right to get an education or own property or win childcustody in adivorce.
这些女性冒着生命危险，在专制的传统文化下，为反对童婚、荣誉谋杀、女性割礼和全面家暴而抗争，为当地女性争取着美国女性（当然也包括美国男性）视之为常的基本自由，比如接受教育的权利、拥有财产的权利和离婚时争取孩子抚养权的权利。
TherewasChouchou Namegabe of the Democratic Republic of Congo, who defied deaththreatsand kept broadcasting rape testimonials on her radio show, breaking thetabooof silence. There was tiny, fearless Sunitha Krishnan, beaten up bycorruptHyderabad cops for rescuing little girls and their mothers traffickedinbrothels. There was Leymah Gbowee, the Liberian force of nature who, in2003,united Christian and Muslim women in a protest movement that helped topplethebrutal dictator Charles Taylor. There was nothing “micro” about theaggressionsthese women confronted.
在刚果民主共和国，舒苏·纳梅加比（ChouchouNamegabe）无惧死亡的威胁，坚持在她的广播节目中向公众传递女性被强暴的证据信息，打破了当地女性一直对此保持缄默的禁忌。瘦小却无畏的印度妇女苏妮莎·克瑞斯南（SunithaKrishnan），为了拯救被贩卖到妓院的小女孩和她们的母亲们，遭到腐败的海德拉巴（Hyderabad）警察的毒打。利比亚“和平运动”领导人莱伊曼·古博薇（LeymahGbowee），在2003年将基督教和穆斯林女性团结起来，参与示威，帮助推翻了独裁者查尔斯·泰勒（CharlesTaylor）的暴政。在此过程中，这些女性所遭受到的威胁，绝不是“小事”。
Perhapsthe mostmoving moment in a Women in the World Summit was in 2015 when RobiDamelin, anIsraeli peace activist whose son was killed by a Palestinian sniper,tookthe hand of Bushra Awad, a Palestinianwoman whose son was shotdead by an Israeli soldier. “The tearson the pillow are the same color,” Ms.Damelin said.
也许，世界妇女峰会最令人感动的时刻应该是在2015年。以色列和平运动者罗宾·达梅林（Robi Damelin）执起巴勒斯坦妇女布斯拉·阿沃德（Bushra Awad）的手，说道：“每天晚上，我们留下的眼泪，有着相同的颜色。”——而她们的儿子，都在对方军队的枪口下丧生。
Thewomen wehave brought to our stage to tell their stories are living proof thatfeminismis a movement of basic rights for all human beings. Yet they understandthatwomen bring something different to the debate, the table and the street.Theirgender is their glory. They don’t just lean in. They rise up.
这些登上我们的舞台讲述自己故事的女性，用她们的亲身经历告诉我们，女权运动是为全人类的基本权益而抗争。同时，她们也清楚地明白，女性给这个话题、给谈判桌、给游行大街，带来了不同的色彩。性别就是她们的荣光。她们不仅仅是跨前了一步，她们还站了起来。
Theymake us inthe audience examine our own lucky discontents and ask ourselves:Whatcan I do for a cause bigger than myself?她们促使我们这些台下的听众检视自身，缘何对如此幸运的处境依然心生不满，也使我们诘问内心：为了远大于自身的理想，我们可以做些什么？
Itis a questionmany women in America are asking anew.
这正是许多美国女性如今正在重新思考的问题。
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